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Lt. Col. (Ret.) Tom Raleigh (D)

Click to go back to Three Way Race for NY 21^st Congress District

1. With public perception of our government and Congress waning, what would you do to restore the confidence of the people that their officials truly are working for the best interests of their constituents, not for the interests of Party or big business? It is not a question of what we would do, but rather what we are doing. Ours is truly a “People’s Campaign.” Embracing self-imposed campaign finance restrictions and rejecting the notion that one must start fund raising in January to win in November, we seek to fundamentally change the nature of political campaigning in this country. We do not accept campaign contributions from political action committees (PACs). Limiting campaign contributions from individual contributors to $100 (verses the $2000 allowed by law) we ask voters to make a $5 or $10 donation; a modest amount that will give them a stake in this race. Meaningful campaign finance reform will only be achieved when campaigns such as ours challenge the conventional wisdom and shock the political system. Left to themselves, entrenched incumbents will support these efforts with the same enthusiasm that characterizes their support for term limits-- and we’ll see more Jack Abramoff-type-scandals in the future.

Lt. Col. (Ret.) Tom Raleigh

2. Rising costs for education, health insurance, and fuel are straining the ability of middle class families to make ends meet, even if both spouses work. As Congressman what, if anything, would you do to help working families that are struggling to get by? Health care. Middle class families are bearing the health care costs of 50 million uninsured Americans. The best way to relieve the burden on working families in the near term is to adopt a national health care strategy; one that will provide basic health benefits, emphasize preventative care for all Americans, and encourage healthy lifestyle choices. Such a system could be financed, in large part, by standardizing administrative practices and exploiting improved information technologies. Fuel and energy. The federal government works best when its focus is long-term and strategic. Such a governing philosophy applies to the issue of fuel prices and energy. Raising fuel prices hurt everyone. However, we must recognize that our dependence on foreign oil is not just an economic issue, it is a strategic vulnerability that requires us to project military power (and deploy working family sons and daughters who serve in the Armed Forces) to volatile regions. Dramatically reducing our dependence on foreign oil ought to be a national priority. We need a national energy strategy that calls for a leap from fossil fuels and 19th century energy sources to renewable 21st century sources; a transformation that will also serve to check global warming. I will not support drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR). That oil constitutes a strategic reserve best left—for now—in the ground. By making the right decisions on issues related to energy use, production, and conservation, we can simultaneously make this nation more secure and protect the environment for future generations.

3. What is your position regarding the balance of power between Federal law and State’s rights? For example, when the Federal government trumps State laws legalizing medical marijuana, gay marriage, or euthanasia? I am an advocate for State’s rights. Governing bodies at the lowest levels, those closest to the People, have the greatest flexibility and can make the best decisions. The United States Constitution is a brilliant and marvelous document. I will not consider lightly efforts to amend it.

4. In combating the war on terror, do you believe the United States is currently following the best course of action at home and abroad? What, if anything, should the U.S. be doing differently? As I have consistently pointed out in OpEds published since I retired from active duty (see www.Raleigh12Sep06.com ), the U.S. approach to combating terrorist networks, one that places a disproportionate emphasis on military action, is fundamentally flawed. Failing to appreciate the complexities of the post-911 global security environment, we are pursuing horrifically costly operations—in terms of blood and treasure—that do little to make us more secure. We are now diplomatically isolated, and militarily exhausted. Defeating terrorist networks will require three things. First, we must once again secure the full cooperation of our traditional allies in this fight. We must work with other nations to develop a long-term strategy to defeat terrorist networks and eliminate, to the greatest extent possible, the political and economic conditions from which terrorism and extremism take root. Second, we must recognize that national power has more than a military dimension, and that in this war diplomatic and economic power might often be projected with better results. And we must also recognize that this will be a generational struggle, one that, like the struggle with communism, will be won with equal amounts of resolve and patience. Third, the U.S. must continue to develop intelligence forces and covert capabilities that are second to none. The attacks of 911 reminded us that there are some truly desperate and evil people in the world who intend to cause us harm and with whom there is no negotiation. The war against Al Qaeda is, at its core, an intelligence war. Although we have made some progress in expanding our human intelligence capabilities and reforming our intelligence structures, we have not gone far enough. Victory in this war will go to the swift.

5. In the name of National Security, is it reasonable for Americans to expect some of their civil liberties and Constitutional protections to be curtailed during this war? There are now, and will be for the foreseeable future, tensions and tradeoffs between liberty and security. The federal government, entrusted to protect both the nation and our individual rights, must here tread very carefully. While few Americans would want to handcuff intelligence agencies from preventing a devastating attack on the homeland, they also recognize that the potential for abuse is real. The Congress must not be timid in exercising its oversight responsibilities, especially when it comes to intelligence collection activities.

6. What do you see as the greatest challenge facing America, and what would you do about it? It is very troubling that five years after the horrific attacks of 911, an event that brought us together as a nation in common grief, and as a community of nations in common cause, we are today a nation divided at home with few friends abroad. The twin challenge we face has domestic and foreign components. At home, we must come together as a nation, recognize the need to sacrifice for the common good, and work together to solve pressing problems. In the Congress, I will always strive to put the interests of the nation first. Abroad, we have some fence mending to do—big time. The United States must restore America’s international standing and expand its circle of friends. Recognizing that there is no place for amateurs in diplomacy, I would propose amending the Foreign Service Act to cap the number of politically appointed ambassadors at 25 (approximately 15 percent).

7. Why should the people of the 21st district choose you over all others? There are currently fewer veterans serving in the Congress since any time after World War II. We live in dangerous times. When it comes to dealing with matters of national security, there needs to be in the Congress people who understand – or at least appreciate – the complexities of the post-911 world, who have served in the Armed Forces, and who have worked with other nations in embassies overseas. I have 22 years of such experience. As long as there are a pair of U.S. boots on the ground in Iraq and Afghanistan, Issue One to the voters of this district ought to be U.S. foreign and defense policy. If Capital Region voters agree, they will vote for me in the Democratic Primary on September 12th, and in November.

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